How a Well-Connected Israeli Legal Expert Influenced the UN Investigation Into Sexual Violence on October 7
Ruth Halperin-Kaddari leveraged her friendship with the UN’s special representative to produce a report in Israel’s interests.
By Ryan Grim, Reposted from Drop Site News
On October 8, 2023, a day after Hamas’s attacks on southern Israel, Israeli legal scholar and women’s rights advocate Ruth Halperin-Kaddari called in a favor from her longtime friend and former colleague, United Nations Special Representative Pramila Patten. Halperin-Kaddari, who in 2018 was ranked as one of the world’s hundred most influential people in gender equality policy, conveyed her conviction that Hamas had orchestrated mass, systematic sexual assaults the previous day, urging that Israel needed UN recognition of these allegations.
Patten, as the special representative on sexual violence in conflict and under-secretary-general of the United Nations, was not empowered with a mandate to launch investigations or produce findings. Yet Halperin-Kaddari believed Patten was uniquely well positioned to lend the UN’s imprimatur to Israel’s allegations. “I called her and said, ‘Pramila, we need you here, what do I need to do?’” Halperin-Kaddari would later recount on a podcast.
Patten responded with caution, asking “Do you know if it really happened?” Though not previously reported, this exchange—which Halperin-Kaddari has referenced multiple times in interviews—ultimately led to Patten’s visit in late January 2024. The trip was a controversial one: While Patten and her UN team were hosted and chaperoned by Halperin-Kaddari, they lacked any formal investigatory mandate, and the decision to conduct such an unprecedented mission was met with fierce dissent inside her own office.
Patten ultimately published a report that was wielded by Israeli officials as evidence to bolster allegations of systemic sexual violence. Yet a close reading of the text showed it contained far more nuanced language that seemed to undermine those officials’ claims. The report’s central finding—that there were “reasonable grounds to believe that conflict-related sexual violence occurred during the 7 October attacks”—fell short of confirming that systemic sexual violence had in fact occurred. Yet media coverage, particularly articles featuring Halperin-Kaddari’s commentary, often presented Patten’s report as definitive proof that backed up Israel’s incendiary claims.
In one interview, Halperin-Kaddari called Patten’s report a “game changer” and “unprecedented” not only because it would be included in the UN’s annual report, but because Patten was gathering the information herself rather than information collected by other UN bodies. Patten’s work became the “starting point” for other investigations, she said.
Now, according to Halperin-Kaddari’s recent remarks, Israel is pursuing a follow-up visit from Patten in March, with the hopes that she will produce a new report that would land Hamas on an international blacklist of parties that engage in sexual violence. “What we do aim, is that once the next visit of the Under Secretary General [Patten] indeed happens, we hope that eventually Hamas would be blacklisted as an entity, because it employs sexual violence as a weapon, as a tool of war, and then all its allies can also be held liable and be put under sanctions,” Halperin-Kaddari said recently. Patten’s return visit to Israel is complicated, however, by her request to document allegations by human rights organizations of sexual violence meted out against Palestinian detainees in Israeli custody. Israel has refused that request.
A Long History
Halperin-Kaddari and Patten’s relationship was forged when the two worked for years together at the UN Committee for the Elimination of Discrimination against Women. That experience was key for Halperin-Kaddari, she said, because she served at the U.N. in an independent capacity, not as a representative of the state of Israel, which gave her opinion the sheen of independence. “It’s very important to stress the independency because when we are on human rights committees we are there not as representatives of our countries, we are there as independent experts,” she said.
She retained that reputation. “I understood that I was in a very unique position, with connections, both on the international front vis-à-vis the international organizations, the UN, knowing how the UN works, and having some status on that front [as a] recognized independent expert,” she said. Soon after reaching out to Patten, she was invited by the U.S. mission to the U.N. to brief the security council on her claims of sexual assault. China, she said, blocked her appearance, but the overture persuaded Israeli government officials that her connections were key in furthering the country’s narrative. “This made Israel realize they can use me as one of those who can act on the international front,” she acknowledged.
During a recent podcast appearance, Halperin-Kaddari stated that she suspected as early as October 8 that sexual assault had taken place, even before probing the question. “As the details of the events began to emerge and I understood that towns and villages in the south had been occupied, and that terrorists were in homes and the [Nova] party area for hours without interruption, I immediately suspected that serious sexual assaults were taking place,” she said.
The relationship between Patten and Halperin-Kaddari, who has described her role after October 7th as aimed at “advanc[ing] Israel’s narrative,” has taken on renewed significance amid Israel’s push for Patten’s return to the country, a move Halperin-Kaddari hopes will lead to the blacklisting of Hamas and the sanctioning of “all its allies.” This diplomatic effort dovetails with Israel’s broader targeting of international organizations in the occupied Palestinian territories, most prominently UNRWA—the lead agency bringing food and medicine into the besieged Gaza Strip.
On a recent global tour, Halperin-Kaddari relied heavily on allegations made by Shari Mendes, a reservist for the Israeli military who was tasked with preparing the bodies of those killed for burial. Among Mendes’s most widely circulated claims were graphic accounts of brutal, mass rape of grandmothers, women, and children, as well as the mutilation of a pregnant woman and her fetus by Palestinians, an allegation that was later disproved.
Patten’s own report, in fact, determined no such thing had happened: “The mission team conducted a visit to Kibbutz Be’eri and was able to determine that at least two allegations of sexual violence widely repeated in the media, were unfounded due to either new superseding information or inconsistency in the facts gathered. These included a highly publicized allegation of a pregnant woman whose womb had reportedly been ripped open before being killed, with her fetus stabbed while still inside her.”
No Investigatory Mandate
In both her report and interviews, Patten has carefully emphasized that her conclusions do not constitute official findings, as she lacked the legal mandate to conduct a formal investigation—an authority that lies solely with the UN Human Rights Council’s Independent Commission of Inquiry, whose efforts to investigate the allegations have been consistently obstructed by the Israeli government. In fact, Israel explicitly did not cooperate with a UN team, accusing them of antisemitism and opening the way for Patten’s instead. Halperin-Kaddari has herself remarked on the unprecedented nature of Patten’s report, which was produced outside the scope of UN protocol.
One notable feature of Patten’s report and subsequent statements is the use of terminology that obscures the mission’s limited authority. Despite having no investigative mandate, the aim of the mission was to “gather and verify information.” This language, particularly her reference to finding “reasonable grounds” for various claims, creates a misleading impression of official authority and conclusive findings—despite the mission’s limited scope and unofficial status.
At the same time, Patten emphasized her report’s tentative and limited nature, while simultaneously speaking with certainty about its findings. The report further acknowledged that the brief mission relied wholly on Israeli sources due to what it said was an “absence of United Nations entities operating in Israel, as well as the lack of cooperation by the State of Israel with relevant United Nations bodies with an investigative mandate.” It added that the mission team “took every step, in line with UN methodology, to mitigate issues of source reliability before drawing conclusions within the scope of this report.”
In the wake of its publication, major media outlets published headlines and articles suggesting it represented the official UN confirmation of systematic rape by Hamas on October 7. Halperin-Kaddari continues to amplify this misinterpretation in her presentations, portraying the report as definitive proof of Hamas’s orchestrated sexual violence. Yet Patten’s report explicitly does not ascribe any act to particular groups, including Hamas, instead stating, “Given the mission was not investigative, it did not gather information and/or draw conclusions on the attribution of alleged violations to specific armed groups. Such attribution would require a fully-fledged investigative process.”
Patten and her report made no definitive conclusions regarding the extent of sexual violence on October 7, and specifically noted it found no evidence of systematic planning: “The mission was neither intended to, and nor could the mission team, in such a short period of time, establish the prevalence of conflict-related sexual violence during and after the 7 October attacks. The overall magnitude, scope, and specific attribution of these violations would require a comprehensive investigation by competent bodies.”
In a press briefing the day her report was published, Patten explicitly addressed the disparity between Israeli government claims and her findings: “I don’t have numbers because for me one case is more than enough, and I didn’t go on a bookkeeping exercise. The first letters that I received from the government of Israel talked about hundreds if not thousands of cases of brutal sexual violence perpetrated against men, women, and children. I have not found anything like that.”
Regarding claims that Hamas had planned systematic sexual violence, Patten’s report directly says it could not support key allegations: “Claims were made in the public domain that directives, including pamphlets with instructions on pronouncing phrases in Hebrew such as ‘Open your legs’ or ‘Take off your pants’ and a manual on ‘How to take captives’, were allegedly found by IDF [Israeli military] on bodies of deceased militants. However, the mission team was not able to substantiate any of them.” This finding was later echoed by a UNHCR Commission of Inquiry report, which stated that “The Commission did not find credible evidence, however, that militants received orders to commit sexual violence and so it was unable to make conclusions on this issue.”
Ryan Grim is a reporter for The Intercept
RELATED:
- Here’s what Pramila Patten’s UN report on Oct 7 sexual violence actually said
- Pramila Patten’s Rape Fantasies: A Critical Analysis of the UN Report on Sexual Violence during the 7 October Attack
- October 7 Fact Check: Which atrocity claims are factual, which are false
- Two reports debunk New York Times ‘investigative report’ of mass rape on October 7th
- Israel has lost control of the narrative – October 7 truths coming out
- Why is the media ignoring evidence of Israel’s own actions on 7 October?
- Israeli newspaper: Israeli army ordered the killing of Israeli civilians and soldiers Oct 7
- How Israel twists antisemitism claims to project its own crimes onto Palestinians
No comments:
Post a Comment